Never rush in politics.
The protestant idea is to first destroy that, what has been built,
so that that, what has not yet been built, could be build.
And the American subvariety of it is to build a raffle.
Hence it is completely natural that Americans stop all destructive efforts,
once they realise that the place they're trying to destroy is already a raffle,
as was the case with Somalia.
Whenever an American sees people sticking together, he's alarmed.
Whenever he sees them stabbing their backs, he relaxes.
That much is... true.
As I've noted in my review of Der Tod von Reval: It doesn't further innovation, if the bulk of the capital is in the hands of people, who need nothing, because they'll waste their capital then. The concentration of power isn't a force that stimulates development, rather it's the gradual stiffening of the hierarchy of exploitation. Hence it is in the interest of life - allowing it to grow - to balance power: Only when there are limits to the exploitation of people, will the exploitation of the natural forces advance over time.
That much is... also true.
Freedom means to go where you please, and obviously there's a big difference between a society that goes as a whole where it pleases and a society in which each of its members goes where he pleases. The latter is chaos, the former order, but this order does not negate individual concerns, but weights them by establishing limits.
Even for the American raffle such limits exist, since it relies on the orderly operation of the banking system, but overall it's light on them. The job at hand isn't solved by embracing individualism or collectivism, but by allowing people to organise without depriving other people of their opportunities.
The medieval order, in which the Church restrained the King through its stranglehold on the Jews, is an example of that. And in general it is always about two things:
Much of the calamities of our time are derived from the fact that the press is assumed to be the people's trustee, whereas it's just a means to get the word out. Its false worship destroys the connexion between the trustees, who've really been entrusted by the people, and them. It makes it at the same time possible for the former to ignore the latter and vice versa.
So, in all of this, we see the workings of structures, formal or informal, and the effects of missing or broken structures. And that is what we have to keep an eye on, lest someone sells us a raffle as the be-all and end-all of liberation or a handler as a trustee.
so that that, what has not yet been built, could be build.
And the American subvariety of it is to build a raffle.
Hence it is completely natural that Americans stop all destructive efforts,
once they realise that the place they're trying to destroy is already a raffle,
as was the case with Somalia.
Whenever an American sees people sticking together, he's alarmed.
Whenever he sees them stabbing their backs, he relaxes.
That much is... true.
As I've noted in my review of Der Tod von Reval: It doesn't further innovation, if the bulk of the capital is in the hands of people, who need nothing, because they'll waste their capital then. The concentration of power isn't a force that stimulates development, rather it's the gradual stiffening of the hierarchy of exploitation. Hence it is in the interest of life - allowing it to grow - to balance power: Only when there are limits to the exploitation of people, will the exploitation of the natural forces advance over time.
That much is... also true.
Freedom means to go where you please, and obviously there's a big difference between a society that goes as a whole where it pleases and a society in which each of its members goes where he pleases. The latter is chaos, the former order, but this order does not negate individual concerns, but weights them by establishing limits.
Even for the American raffle such limits exist, since it relies on the orderly operation of the banking system, but overall it's light on them. The job at hand isn't solved by embracing individualism or collectivism, but by allowing people to organise without depriving other people of their opportunities.
The medieval order, in which the Church restrained the King through its stranglehold on the Jews, is an example of that. And in general it is always about two things:
- constraints and
- a trustee for the passive parties.
Much of the calamities of our time are derived from the fact that the press is assumed to be the people's trustee, whereas it's just a means to get the word out. Its false worship destroys the connexion between the trustees, who've really been entrusted by the people, and them. It makes it at the same time possible for the former to ignore the latter and vice versa.
So, in all of this, we see the workings of structures, formal or informal, and the effects of missing or broken structures. And that is what we have to keep an eye on, lest someone sells us a raffle as the be-all and end-all of liberation or a handler as a trustee.
Labels: 16, formalisierung, geschichte, gesellschaftsentwurf, gesellschaftskritik, institutionen, sehhilfen, zeitgeschichte, ἰδέα, φιλοσοφία